The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as among the most influential holders of that position in American history. Whereas countless second-in-commands were confined to marginal or figurehead functions, Cheney held substantial influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly described as the "true president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and said the relationship was more complex. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always calling him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a faction of neo-conservatives that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a session at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any non-communicating planes heading toward the government building.
Cheney stated the strikes transformed him, causing him to be determined on revenge. Together with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on misleading reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It represented the correct action to do then. I believed it at the time and I believe it presently."
But during that period, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he wrote later "clear negligence, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had written a memo setting out scenarios in which American interests might be compromised (encompassing "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the White House vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been sacked by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his parent's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement supporting striking Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the torture, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create initiatives to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels assigned to him by detractors such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? This represents a nice way to operate, actually."
Business Interests
Debate over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars while Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at more than $20m|twenty
